DeepDives is a bi-weekly essay series exploring key issues related to the economy. The goal of the series is to provide Hub readers with original analysis of the economic trends and ideas that are shaping this high-stakes moment for Canadian productivity, prosperity, and economic well-being. The series features the writing of leading academics, area experts, and policy practitioners. The DeepDives series is made possible thanks to the ongoing support of Centre for Civic Engagement.
As the federal parliament returns from its summer break, there’s a lot of political speculation about an impending election, but less attention being paid to the myriad of public policy issues confronting parliamentarians.
We’re living in a moment of big economic, social, and geopolitical questions. Canadian policymakers must be cognizant of the opportunities and challenges facing the country and put forward policy proposals that are proportionate to them.
In order to situate the fall parliamentary sitting, we’ve compiled four short essays from leading experts on some of the policy issues that are likely to animate its deliberations.
These include: balancing the federal budget, fostering productivity growth, reforming temporary immigration programs, and responding to rising American protectionism.
Balance the budget, for the sake of Canadians
By Jake Fuss and Grady Munro, economists at the Fraser Institute
A key question for the Trudeau government and parliamentarians more generally concerns Ottawa’s deficit spending and debt accumulation. There’s now an urgent need to put forward a credible plan to balance the federal budget.
In 2024-25, it’s expected the Trudeau government will run its tenth consecutive budget deficit, primarily due to high levels of spending. Indeed, Prime Minister Trudeau has overseen the six highest years of program spending in Canadian history (2018-2023)—even after excluding COVID-related spending—on a per-person basis adjusted for inflation. And deficits and high spending are expected to continue for the foreseeable future.
Consequently, since 2015-16, federal gross debt has approximately doubled from $1.1 trillion to an expected $2.1 trillion by the end of 2024-25. While a growing debt burden ultimately means higher taxes on future generations, it also today means higher debt interest costs, which have similarly more than doubled since 2015-16. In fact, this year, more than $1 in every $10 the federal government collects in revenues will be used to service debt rather than provide services or tax relief for Canadians.
Given the risks associated with persistent spending-driven deficits, parliamentarians should focus on balancing the budget. The chart below shows how to achieve that goal.
Graphic credit: Janice Nelson.
Specifically, if the federal government limited growth in annual program spending (total spending minus debt interest) to 0.2 percent for two years (beginning in 2025-26), it could balance the budget by 2027-28. Once the budget is balanced, the government could resume increasing spending at a quicker pace and still run a surplus in 2028-29.
During the mid-1990s, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien’s Liberal government employed a similar approach to balance the budget for the first time in three decades and avoid a fiscal crisis. The government reviewed all areas of federal spending with the twin objectives of eliminating the deficit and ensuring Canadians received value for their tax dollars. By balancing the budget through a shift towards smaller and smarter government spending, the Chrétien government’s reforms then helped create a decade of balanced budgets, tax relief, and overall economic success.
There are clear benefits to balancing the budget.
First, it will help slow the rate of federal debt accumulation. As noted in the chart, balancing the budget would allow the federal government to avoid accumulating $64.2 billion of additional debt. Second, a balanced budget will provide fiscal room to deliver tax relief for Canadians. Given the average Canadian family spends more on taxes than on basic necessities, tax relief would provide a meaningful boost for families struggling to pay the bills.
With the fall session getting underway, parliamentarians face political uncertainty and several important policy issues. In light of the sorry state of federal finances, balancing the budget should be a top priority.
The “productivity problem” is bigger than Canada
By Alicia Planincic, economist and manager of policy at the Business Council of Alberta
Canada’s standard of living is stagnating, and productivity—the only real way to fix it—is (rightfully) at the centre of the conversation. Conferences have been held, policy departments have been established, and, more recently, a new federal working group was announced—all in an effort to address this pressing problem.
For those following closely, it may seem like no stone is being left unturned. From the role of industry dynamics to interprovincial trade to the potential effects of immigration, and even why some productivity measures might look worse than others. This is all good; the more people, ideas, and thought behind it, the better.
But one point lost in the conversation is that this productivity slowdown isn’t unique to Canada; it’s global. To be sure, Canada’s recent record has been particularly bad. However, productivity growth has been weak across the G7 for decades. In fact, virtually every rich country in the world has seen slower productivity growth in recent decades, compared to the period from the 1920s to the 1970s.
Graphic credit: Janice Nelson.
So, while Canadians may feel bombarded by headlines about Canada’s productivity problem, a Google search of “Productivity Growth [insert country name]” shows we’re not alone. Much has been written on the issue from other perspectives, from “The UK Productivity Paralysis” to “The German Productivity Paradox” to “Why is Europe Losing the Productivity Race” and “Australia’s Woeful Productivity Sinks Living Standards,” just to name a few.
Oftentimes, these analyses compare productivity growth to that of the U.S., the one country that has managed to buck the trend at certain points in recent history (namely, in the late 1990s and early 2000s). But even the U.S. is failing to show the level of dynamism that it once did and, as they see it, they too have been experiencing a productivity slowdown for many years.
There are many reasons for the global decline. Certain factors that drove earlier improvements—like a more highly educated workforce—may have run their course. Likewise, services industries (where most employment now lies) haven’t been able to deliver the same productivity gains as the transition from agriculture to manufacturing did in the past. So far, the new technologies that could increase productivity ( for example 5G, big data, AI) have yet to yield the efficiencies for office workers that mass production techniques and electricity did for factory workers.
Of course there are exceptions. Some businesses are keeping pace with the productivity growth of the past. Interestingly, it’s not necessarily the ones that invest the most but rather the ones that use their resources (capital and labour) most efficiently. However, there is a growing divergence between the best and the rest, which fall substantially behind.
That said, just because other countries face a similar challenge doesn’t mean Canada doesn’t have a real problem. Canada’s productivity slowdown has been especially noticeable since the mid-2010s and has already had a very real effect on Canadians’ standard of living. But fixating on the gap in growth between Canada and the U.S., while real and concerning, may miss the bigger point: that strong productivity growth may be more difficult to capture than in the past, and we may need to challenge ourselves to think a little differently if we want to solve this problem.
It’s time for the federal government to get serious about immigration reform
By Mike Moffatt, senior director of the Smart Prosperity Institute
In the last three-and-a-half years, Canada’s population has grown by 3 million people, the level the country typically experiences in a decade, and slightly more than we experienced in the entire 1990s. This level of growth was only sustainable if infrastructure and housing construction experienced similar increases. They did not, leaving our healthcare system underfunded and growing Canada’s shortfall of homes at nearly one million units. Addressing this must be a top priority of the government this fall.
Nearly all of Canada’s net population growth comes from international migration. Increases in Canada’s permanent resident immigration targets, from 250,000 to 500,000 a year, played a role, but the larger driver was a massive increase in non-permanent residents, from temporary foreign workers and international students. As I told cabinet ministers just a few days ago, “Our immigration system has shifted away from adding to the skills and cultural vibrancy of Canada to creating an underclass of guest workers. It has become a tool to allow provinces to cut funding to higher education.”
The staggering growth in non-permanent residents is a net increase in that it’s the difference between the number of new incoming residents on time-expiring visas, subtracting out those who leave the country and those who gain permanent residency.
Graphic credit: Janice Nelson.
Canada’s opportunity to address this situation will come with this November’s release of the 2025-2027 immigration levels. I will judge the new plan as a success if it does the following three things:
- In March, the federal government committed to decreasing Canada’s non-permanent resident population (which is currently 2.8 million) down to 2.1 million over three years. The government should also commit to annual reductions in non-permanent residents by 250,000 each year, for the next seven years. By the end of 2031, Canada’s non-permanent resident population would therefore be one million persons, returning to the levels last seen in 2017.
- The federal government should temporarily reduce the annual permanent resident target to around 300,000 persons per year. Coupled with the non-permanent resident population shrinking by 250,000 a year, Canada’s population growth would be effectively zero, giving the country time for infrastructure and housing to catch up to past population growth.
- The plan should outline how the federal government, in conjunction with other levels of government, will address the current shortages in housing. The plan should give an estimate of the existing housing shortfall and provide annual targets for homebuilding. Once that shortfall is closed, immigration targets should be raised back up to 500,000, or potentially higher, if conditions allow.
While this may be characterized otherwise, this is a pro-immigration approach. Despite recent population growth, the status quo is not pro-immigration. Shifting Canada’s immigration system towards a system of temporary guest workers with few rights, which the United Nations has characterized as “a breeding ground for contemporary forms of slavery” is not pro-immigration. It is not pro-immigration to invite newcomers to our country and not ensure they have access to the housing, healthcare, and education they need to succeed. Pro-immigration should never be pro-exploitation.
Federal policymakers have the opportunity to reform the immigration system to make it work better for both newcomers and Canadians. They need to take it.
Adjusting to the new Washington consensus on trade
By the Wilson Center’s Canada Institute’s Christopher Sands and Xavier Delgado
The 2024 U.S. elections will reinforce trends in U.S. trade policy that began in 2016 and then solidified with bipartisan support in 2020. The next U.S. administration, regardless of who wins, will seek to reshore jobs and production from China and prioritize the enforcement of existing trade commitments over negotiating new agreements. The big spending industrial policies shaped by recent Congresses will continue, though the industries receiving support may shift depending on the election outcome.
Graphic credit: Janice Nelson.
Canada has so far responded to these changes with piecemeal strategies, hoping for a return to pre-2016 norms. Since that is unlikely, and despite Canada’s significant reliance on trade with the U.S., Members of the 44th Parliament should prepare Canadians to adjust by engaging in an honest debate about the changes in U.S. thinking in five areas.
- Buy American and Canadian content. Domestic content requirements have been used by both countries, notably by the United States for defence procurement and by Canada for the promotion of Canadian culture. The difference is that the United States typically applies set-asides (e.g., certain procurements being targeted at small businesses) as a condition of government financial support, whereas Canada is prone to establish content quotas (for example, music on Canadian radio) as a precondition for government licensing or permits. These patterns are engrained on both sides of the border and unlikely to change.
- Industrial policy. The main critique of industrial policy, which argues it leads to inefficient resource allocation because it favours friends of the government, applies to both countries. However, the Biden administration’s novel industrial policy offers incentives to any private firm that qualifies by responding to a public sector priority, even foreign firms. For instance, the United States has financed Canadian-owned firms working in the U.S. and even invested directly in critical minerals projects in Canada.
- Dispute resolution. When it comes to disputes, former U.S. ambassador to Canada Bruce Heyman observed that while Americans prefer litigation, Canadians prefer negotiation. This difference often leads to a stalemate when the U.S. refuses to bargain and Canada drags its feet on a previous commitment. In implementing the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), the U.S. has pushed Canada to fully open its dairy market as agreed, while disregarding the USMCA panel rejecting the U.S. interpretation of the formula for calculating the automotive rules of origin, daring Canada to sue.
- Further trade liberalization. Congress last granted trade negotiating authority to an administration in 2015. It expired in 2021. Without new negotiating authority, the United States could not renegotiate the USMCA, only withdraw from it. That is unlikely: USMCA approval garnered bipartisan majorities in Congress and praise from Trump and Biden, even though as senator, Kamala Harris voted against it.
- Security still trumps trade. Former U.S. Ambassador to Canada Paul Cellucci’s blunt expression of U.S. priorities still applies. Both Democrats and Republicans support efforts to develop critical minerals, increase defence spending, and impose sanctions on adversaries like China and Russia. Canada will benefit most from its integration into U.S. defence supply chains if it remains closely aligned with Washington in great power rivalries.
The new Washington consensus on trade combines economic nationalism with political pragmatism to overcome partisan polarization and get things done. Ahead of a Canadian federal election in 2025, MPs should be clear-eyed and creative in debating Canada’s economic future. An Ottawa consensus about relations with the United States eschewing partisanship and ideology would serve Canadian interests well.
Key Takeaways
While all eyes will be on politics upon Parliament’s return, parliamentarians shouldn’t lose sight of the policy challenges gripping the country. Almost two-thirds of Canadians think the country is headed in the wrong direction, and concerns about the rising cost of living, the economy, immigration, and Canada’s place in the world, are high.
Against this backdrop, we gathered a group of leading policy experts to discuss what parliamentarians should be thinking about heading into the fall sitting. Each part touches on key issues that matter to Canadians, including:
- Balancing the budget and righting Canada’s fiscal ship.
- Developing a set of made-in-Canada policies to address our productivity woes.
- Reforming temporary and permanent immigration to be more sustainable.
- Beginning to seriously think about Canada’s national interests and how those are best achieved amid rising U.S. protectionism.
Parliamentarians would do well to focus on these concerns and develop a substantive policy agenda that addresses the issues that matter most to Canadians.