The key to overcoming the intergenerational consequences of Indian residential schools cannot be mere acts of symbolism but nor can it involve a retreat from the past.
Political institutions and policymakers should envision themselves less as grand overseers who make the weather and more as ship captains just trying to navigate the storms the best they can.
Conservative leadership candidates in both Canada and the U.K. are positioning themselves against central banks. The 2008 financial crisis may have something to do with it.
Most minorities actually like Canada. The Conservative Party can capitalize on this goodwill by becoming the party of civic nationalism like their U.K. Tory cousins.
Post-pandemic public sector employment has grown nearly five times more than it did over a comparable period after the 2008-09 recession, and the public sector’s share of total employment is now at levels not seen since the early 1990s.
Canada has put itself in a position where it does not have an international strategy through which to navigate this changed, more uncertain world. There is no clear definition of Canada’s national interests.
To restore 2003-04 levels of housing affordability, we would need to see 2.75-million homes built by 2030—not even a decade away. Here’s how to make that happen.
While most of the political energy will be spent scrutinizing the Telecom industry after last week’s events, let’s not let Interac get off the hook by focusing solely on Rogers.
The UN has shown its capabilities to respond quickly and harshly toward other instances of genocide, such as the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar, yet why is there such little action being taken against China for its human rights abuses?
Research shows that independent schools—most of which are religious—are considerably more likely to enhance the civic capabilities of young people and lead to a more civically integrated and politically engaged public.