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Élie Cantin-Nantel: Why socially liberal Quebec refuses to go ‘woke’

Commentary

A man waves a Quebec flag during a march to celebrate National Patriots Day in Montreal, Monday, May 20, 2024. Graham Hughes/The Canadian Press

Over the last few years, Quebec has been labelled by the media as both the “least conservative province” in Canada, but also simultaneously as the province “leading the fight against wokeism.” The dynamic is fascinating and makes la belle province an outlier in a nation perceived by many to be consumed by left wing identity politics.

For some, the idea of a socially liberal society that rejects woke ideology may sound strange, but it’s exactly what we’ve seen in Quebec, as well as several European countries that are not addicted to American culture, media and entertainment.

Progressive Quebec

Quebec is indeed a very liberal place. It is the only province where Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives are not in the lead. In fact, Conservatives have not won the majority of seats in the province since 1988.

Of all Canadians, Quebecers are the most supportive of a woman’s right to an abortion (89 percent). Quebec became the first Canadian province to legalize physician assisted suicide in 2014, and a decade later, is the “world’s euthanasia hotspot” with a regime so lenient that it has many experts worried.

Quebec was the first province to protect gay people from discrimination in 1977, and polling shows Quebecers today are among the most likely to speak up against homophobia and transphobia.

Quebec is also the least religious province in Canada. A 2022 poll found that 64 percent of Quebecers don’t believe in a God, more than 70 percent say religion isn’t important in their life. Just 22 percent of Quebecers regularly attend religious services. Amidst this lack of religion, more couples in Quebec opt for common law relationships than marriage. According to Statistics Canada, there are more common law couples with children (​​48.5 percent) in Quebec than married couples with children (45.2 percent). Secularism has also become state law, with religious symbols being banned in government institutions, something supported by the majority of Quebecers.

Add to that, Quebec’s ultra progressive environmental record, with a net-zero agenda, that seeks to radically transition away from oil and gas.

But while Quebec continues to have a liberal legacy, the province has also repeatedly said no to wokeism.

Rejecting woke

At the height of the Black Lives Matter movement, Quebec Premier François Legault repeatedly rejected claims that Quebec is a systematically racist province. Rather than defund the police, Montreal’s left-wing mayor Valérie Plante opted to give them more money. In fact, polling shows  that Quebecers may be just as wary of “defunding” the police as Albertans.

Quebec has also seen a multi-partisan pushback against “diversity, equity and inclusion” (DEI) initiatives that discriminate against white men. In 2022, the Quebec National Assembly unanimously passed a motion promoting merit based hiring instead of DEI quota based hiring.

Quebec politicians have also rushed to the defence of Caucasian professors being cancelled by anglophone students over their use of the “N-word” in academic contexts. Quebec Liberal Party leader Dominique Anglade, the province’s first black woman party leader, was among those who defended the professors, declaring that, “political correctness has gone too far.” The province now has the strongest campus free speech legislation in the country.

Uniquely, the use of the “N-word” seems to have become a litmus test for Quebec politicians. During one of the 2022 provincial election debates, the leader of the left-wing Parti Quebecois Paul St-Pierre Plamondon made the leader of the even more left-wing socialist Quebec Solidaire party, Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, say the title of FLQ intellectual leader Pierre Valiere’s famous book, White N****** of America, on live TV to demonstrate that he wasn’t woke. In English Canada, mentioning this book’s name, even behind closed doors, will end your career.

Élie Cantin-Nantel is The Hub’s Ottawa Correspondent. Prior to joining the team, he practiced journalism for a variety of outlets. Élie also has experience working on Parliament Hill and is completing a joint honours in communication and political science at the University of Ottawa. He is bilingual....

Michael Mandel: Fixing Canada’s economic slump? There’s an app for that

Commentary

A person browses a television menu showing icons for streaming services Netflix and Amazon Prime, in a photo illustration made in Toronto, Friday, March 22, 2024. Giordano Ciampini/The Canadian Press.

“You’ve seen those signs that say, ‘In emergency, break glass.’ Well, it’s time to break the glass,” warned Carolyn Rogers, senior deputy governor of the Bank of Canada, in a recent speech on Canada’s sluggish economic growth. Inflation, high costs of living, and insufficient growth rates continue to dominate Canada’s political narrative. Since 2019, Canada’s economy has grown by an intolerably slow rate of roughly 1.5 percent a year. That’s faster than European states like the United Kingdom and Germany, but much less than the United States.

Within the overall gloomy picture, Canada’s digital sector has been one of the few bright spots. Since 2019, the output of the information and communications technology sector has grown by 21 percent. Data processing was up by 52 percent, and computer systems design was up by 39 percent.

In particular, within Canada’s digital sector, mobile application development and support has turned out to be a vibrant source of growth. Apps are no longer just about playing games or scrolling through social networks. Instead, people are using apps to connect with their health-care providers, interact with their cars, and for banking and shopping. At the same time, mobile apps have become increasingly important to all sorts of businesses—apps to track trucks, to monitor energy systems and forestry operations. The Progressive Policy Institute has estimated there are 385,000 “App Economy” jobs in  Canada as of April 2024, up 47 percent since 2018.

Oddly enough, given the rapid growth of the digital sector, policymakers seem dead set on retroactively implementing a digital services tax that will harm the Canadian digital economy’s ability to compete at the international level and potentially start a trade war with the United States. Even though the tax is nominally directed towards large companies, there will be a knock-on effect on small- and medium-sized developers, since large digital platforms can serve as a springboard for offering smaller players  access to a secure infrastructure, global consumer base, and wealth of additional resources. In the same vein, the Canadian government has also passed the Online Streaming Act, which imposes new content regulations and financial costs on streaming services such as Disney+, Netflix, Spotify, Amazon Prime Video, and Apple TV+/Music.

A combative attitude toward the global market will likely drive talented young tech workers out of the country at a time when Canada needs every advantage—including a skilled workforce. It goes against Canadian interests to target one of the only sectors that has provided growth and productivity gains in recent years. Supporting the advancements of emerging digital developers is crucial if Canada is going to succeed in a global marketplace, where artificial intelligence, augmented reality and intensive data processing have launched new worlds within mobile app development.

This spirit of entrepreneurship, innovation, and overall growth will continue to encourage Canadian businesses to use mobile applications to connect with customers, employ and empower skilled workers, and strengthen competitiveness in global markets.

While Canada’s overall economy struggles, the App Economy continues to be a shining light on what is otherwise an undetermined economic outlook for Canada. This country cannot afford to develop policies that do not aggressively encourage the growth of its digital economy.

Michael Mandel

Michael Mandel is vice president and chief economist at the Progressive Policy Institute in Washington, D.C., and senior fellow at the Mack Institute for Innovation Management at the Wharton School, at the University of Pennsylvania.

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