Any hopes that China would become as lucrative a market as the United States with its own special relationship have been dashed by the hard lesson that China has no special relationships beyond those that serve China.
The end of the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan marks the definitive defeat of a naval power’s attempt to alter the foundations of global politics as far away as landlocked Central Eurasia.
In this Hub Dialogue, The Hub’s editor-at-large Sean Speer speaks to Thomas Wright, the author of Aftershocks: Pandemic Politics and the End of the Old International Order.
This sentiment about our perceived global goodness is all good and dandy but when I try to delve deeper into what people think about Canada’s current foreign policy agenda and its objectives, people draw a blank.
Is this the beginning of the end for communism in Cuba, or the end of the beginning, as Winston Churchill once said during the Second World War?
Canada needs to stop conducting “diplomacy on autopilot” with China if it wants to join a burgeoning international effort to check the country’s ambitions, argued David Mulroney, Canada’s former ambassador to China.
Over the past 125 years, the Olympic movement has managed to carve out little islands of peace in complicated and difficult political conditions.
China is no place for the Olympics because extreme human rights abuses in the country clash mightily with the principles enshrined in the Olympic Charter.
In a recent Globe and Mail op-ed, University of British Columbia professor Paul Evans and Senator Yuen Pau Woo adopted the Chinese Communist Party’s rhetoric wholesale.
The Chinese are systematically pursuing technological dominance in key sectors and Canada is focused on futons. We need to develop a systematic and realist China policy—or risk being left behind.
