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Jeremy Roberts: The battle to end the time change still needs allies

Commentary

In 2020, I passed a Private Member’s Bill that authorized Ontario to move to permanent Daylight Savings Time, which would give us more daylight in the evening during winter. The bill received unanimous support from all parties and is on the books, waiting to be brought into force.

So what’s the wait? Can’t we just pull the trigger and end this outdated relic once and for all?

Sigh.

Unfortunately, it’s not that simple.

As much as I would have loved my bill to start immediately, the reality of legislating is that you must consider multiple perspectives on an issue.

That’s why my bill had a caveat: Quebec and New York State need to join us.

There were sound reasons for this. As it relates to New York, Ontario benefits from being in the same time zone as the markets in New York City. Maintaining this commercial advantage is important. As it relates to Quebec, a unilateral change in Ontario would leave half of the federal government departments marooned on separate time on the Gatineau side of the Ottawa river for half the year.

As such, while Ontario has now passed the law and kick-started the discussion, we are still waiting on Quebec and New York to join in.

So where are we today?

Well, sadly not very much further than we were at Spring Forward 2022.

Quebec has not made any moves. When my bill was first passed, Premier Legault indicated that he was “open to the idea”. More recently, a spokesperson to the Quebec Justice Minister told MTL Blog that “the Quebec Government is always open to analyzing this issue.”

Openness is great, but we need someone to pick up the ball. Given that the issue was passed as a PMB in Ontario, this would be a great issue for a backbencher to adopt in Quebec. It has the unique benefit of being both populist and evidence-based—a great combo for a legislator.

New York State is much more complicated.

While they can introduce legislation to move to permanent DST (as has been done by other states), they would need to receive authorization through federal legislation. The Uniform Time Act of 1966 grants their federal government jurisdiction over this issue.

Thankfully, U.S. Senator Marco Rubio is on the case. The Senate has passed Rubio’s Sunshine Protection Act, which would allow states to move to permanent DST. An identical bill has been brought forward in the House of Representatives and, since February 2021, it is waiting to be called to committee for study.

But let’s not lose hope!

From the day I introduced my bill to when it received royal assent, it took 55 days. That included a committee hearing and two legislative debates.

It happened so quickly because it is popular and backed up by evidence.

A Narrative research poll in 2020 found that 85 percent of Ontarians support the idea. This would back up the anecdotal evidence I collected through email correspondence and letters during my time in office.

And the evidence for ending the time change is substantial.

The time change has been linked to, amongst other findings, an 8-percent spike in depression rates, a 24-percent increase in heart attacks amongst at-risk populations, an 8-percent increase in strokes, and a 10-percent increase in fatal car crashes. Moreover, studies have found that permanent DST could cause a boost to retail activity through additional hours of evening sunshine.

So, what’s next?

Well, we as citizens need to put the pressure on legislators. Despite being a populist issue, the cause of permanent DST is only salient twice a year. Now is the time to write to your MNA if you live in Quebec, or tell your family in the U.S. to write to their congressmen.

It is my fervent hope that Ontario can bring my bill into force in the near future. Time’s up on Fall Back.

Robert Asselin: Does the fall economic statement pass the test? 

Commentary

In the current economic landscape, Chrystia Freeland’s fall economic statement needed to pass two basic tests: 1) reassuring financial markets that the Canadian government understands the need for fiscal prudence; and 2) making Canada more competitive in the wake of a reinvigorated American industrial strategy. 

In both cases, we are dangerously close to a passing grade. 

Fiscal prudence

To her credit, Freeland used a series of speeches and interviews over the past few weeks to signal an awareness of fiscal prudence. Unfortunately, there is a considerable gap between her words and the reality reflected in the economic update. Of the $30 billion additional fiscal space for 2002-2023, the government will spend almost half (45 percent) of it. 

Even more telling is the ratio of federal spending to GDP that is now well entrenched above 16 percent over the next five years—an unceremonious achievement that Canada reached during the global financial crisis of 2008-2009 and in the early 1990s, a painful episode which led to severe reductions in spending by former Finance Minister Paul Martin. Further, what was reflected in this fall economic statement does not account for future expenses in health, defence, wage increases in the public sector, and other big-ticket items that are expected to rise. 

In terms of economic forecasts, the statement is overly optimistic. It predicts neither a recession nor sustained higher interest rates over the next few years. In fact, the projection of real GDP growth over the next five years is on average more generous than what we have had over the past twenty years. To be fair to the government, these forecasts were made by external private-sector economists, many of whom incidentally told us that inflation would be transitory.

In his press conference following the Federal Reserve’s interest rate announcement earlier this week, Governor Jerome Powell was unequivocal: to bring high inflation under control, the terminal rate will almost certainly have to rise above 5 percent. This is one percentage point higher than what was believed to be necessary just a few weeks ago. In the U.S. as in Canada, there are fewer and fewer supporters of the soft-landing scenario: it is increasingly clear that bringing such persistent inflation back to a range of 1 to 3 percent will have severe ripple effects. To the experts and economists who think that we must tolerate higher inflation to avoid a recession, they need to explain how the weakening of Canadians’ purchasing power in relation to the earned income is a desirable long-term economic objective.

As Freeland noted in her speech, Canada cannot avoid the coming economic slowdown any more than we could have avoided the global pandemic. The risks remain enormous, and the government’s fiscal firepower is not what it was three years ago. Over the next few years, it is unlikely economic growth will be higher than the interest rate it pays (r>g) to refinance its rollover debt. This will have a significant impact on the costs of debt financing. 

Industrial strategy

The second test is whether the fall economic statement set out measures to boost Canadian economic competitiveness. With the Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS and Science Act (valued at a combined $460 billion), no one doubts the ambition of U.S. industrial strategy. Freeland has astutely recognized the impact all of this will have on Canada’s long-term competitiveness. To her credit, the statement lays the groundwork for Canada’s response by introducing two new tax credits targeted at clean technologies and hydrogen. She also hinted that additional measures would come in the next year’s budget. 

But based on the government’s last few budgets, the modus operandi is a scattered approach with new funds, structures, and agencies that spread out billions here and there. Contrary to President Biden’s Build Back Better plan, it is hard to see a credible and well-crafted made-in-Canada industrial strategy that targets specific sectors of strength, with clear and coordinated instruments to improve our competitiveness.

What struck me the most was the lack of urgency reflected in the fall economic statement. In these volatile and uncertain times with threats to the future prosperity of all Canadians, it would have been good to see the government showing more awareness of its obvious blind spots