Recent online debates sparked by younger conservatives have raised interesting questions about classical liberalism, Ronald Reagan’s legacy, and the best course of action to achieve common conservative goals.
Reagan is fondly remembered by older conservatives for his liberal, free-market, small-government policies, but his more enduring legacy may be his moral clarity and faith-based values—his economic beliefs, and his cultural values. I think modern conservatism needs to find a way to convene in this space—a renewed fusionism—supporting liberal economics and embracing conservative cultural values. Though Reagan’s proposed constitutional amendment for voluntary school prayer ultimately failed, the deeper schism came after his presidency, when the GOP, flying high on the Cold War victory and supply-side economics, foolishly ignored William F. Buckley Jr.’s frequent warnings. It ceded the cultural base that Reagan had built.
“The libertarian impulse, while vital to conservatism’s economic soul, must not be allowed to corrode its moral foundations,” Buckley wrote in 1986.
By the late 1980s, conservatives had largely set aside their public views on religion and turned their focus solely on free market economics and small-government policy, which in large part aligned with progressive secular cultural aspirations. Untethered to their faith-based past, conservatives abandoned their traditional role as a grounding cultural force for society.
Should modern conservatism prioritize economic policy or cultural values, or both?
Why are younger conservatives reportedly more culturally conservative than older generations?
What does the article suggest is the 'enduring legacy' of Ronald Reagan for modern conservatism?
Taking stock There is a time to ask young people for patience and sacrifice, and there’s a time to assess the institutions, to define what is good, preserve all that has proven enduring, and to eliminate that which has failed the test of time. Modern conservatism has been at rest for decades, existing within a society dominated by progressive ideology. Perhaps it’s time to audit modern conservatism, to take stock of what is working, what is thriving, and what is lacking. This reflection arose out of what appears to be a sharp divide. Younger conservatives critique what they see as regime capture by the establishment conservatives, while older conservatives hold on to Reagan-era liberal economic ideals, seemingly unaware or unwilling to address the cultural realities of the modern era. This divide now appears as yet another expression of the culture wars between classical-liberal conservatives and conservative populists. Have we fallen into the progressive identitarian trap—are we losing the plot? The evidence indicates there’s room for hope. Surging youth Young people are coming to the Conservative Party in what can only be described as a historic reversal of party affiliation in Canada. A 2024 Abacus Data poll found 34 percent of those aged 18–29 would vote Conservative, compared to 24 percent for the NDP and for the Liberals. CIVIX runs a parallel mock election alongside the federal election: 2025 results showed a CPC “minority” in student ballots, indicating a generational conservative shift is underway. Church attendance among Gen Z and Millennials is also rising in Canada, reversing a decades-long decline. In Canada, parish youth programs grew from just over a dozen in 2013 to 115 in 2025. An Angus Reid poll found that Canadians aged 18–34 had higher levels of religious activity than older generations. There is clearly a surge of newfound conservative energy that must be embraced and cultivated, not dismissed. Inescapable culture wars Separating economic free market ideas from cultural values should be near impossible for conservatives. At every turn, cultural progressivism smacks us in the face; from gender-neutral changing rooms to hyper-politicized corporate advertising, one cannot escape it. Conservatives of every stripe, for far too long, have shied away from or tried to ignore the culture wars. Older conservatives need to ask themselves why young people are coming our way en masse and why a large number appear to be more culturally conservative than we are. To put it succinctly: young conservatives know what a woman is, and they’re tired of the silence from older conservatives. A new dawn By ignoring the culture wars, conservatives have given de facto permission to progressive cultural expansion without constraint. We have ignored our role as a stabilizing force in society. Our modern superstructure—our politics and our modern Western society—has been largely dominated by liberal-progressive sensibilities for the last 40 years or more. The multi-decade focus on free markets, small government, and reduced taxes by conservatives always felt necessary, especially as taxes keep rising and government continues expanding. But balance is needed. Younger conservatives may be overly focused on culture wars and miss the forest for the trees, while older conservatives, lost in their own forest of economic priorities, are failing to see that true conservatism requires culture as well. Singular focus on only one aspect is a mistake. Right now, it appears the kids are out in front, in the trenches, and they’re fighting for change that is instinctively conservative. Change for change’s sake, impulsive change, is certainly not part of a conservative plan. But a once-in-a-lifetime cultural change, a shift from decades of progress for the sake of progress and GDP for the benefit of the few toward an era of conservative stability, is a change to be embraced. We have failed to be prudent conservators of our Western culture. We should not forsake liberal economics or the spirit of the Reaganite free-traders. But now it’s Reagan’s cultural spirit that is stirring. We need to pay attention—and act. With tectonic plates shifting quickly, we need to accept our failings, embrace our common ground, and find ways to address both the economic and the cultural strengths of conservatism. Economics puts food on the table—culture feeds the soul.
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