Enjoying The Hub?
Sign up for our free newsletter!

Adam Blinick: Chuck Strahl was first and foremost a servant. Canada is better for it

Commentary

Chuck Strahl speaks during an urban treaty ceremony on the Tsawwassen First Nation in Delta, B.C., April 3, 2009. Darryl Dyck/The Canadian Press.

Since the devastating news of Chuck Strahl’s passing was announced, tributes have poured in. Repeatedly, words like “principle,” “integrity,” and “decency” have been used to describe him.

Eulogies rightly highlight the positive contributions one made while on this earth and downplay the human foibles that must also make up one’s existence. But with Chuck, these words don’t simply capture the apex of his being. They get at the core of who he was. To have known him, even fleetingly, was to know you were engaging with a unique person who embodied the best of us and lived these virtues in a quotidian way. These words defined him, and in turn, he defined them.

Yuval Levin’s 2020 book, A Time To Build, lays out a compelling thesis that much of our social and political ills today are the result of our institutions having been corrupted. Where once society’s cornerstones—government, academia, the media, etc.—functioned to mould individuals into instruments who could then contribute back to those bodies and broader society, they are now co-opted by those same people, employed as mere platforms to build personal profiles.

The root of Chuck’s integrity and decency was a humbleness informed by an abiding understanding of his role within the institutions that made him: his faith, his family, his community, and the government. Despite having played an incredibly consequential role in modern Canadian politics and assuming some of the highest offices in the land, he never behaved to satisfy his ego or commit acts of self-aggrandizement. You could spend months on end with him and never hear him tell a single war story, a legislative accomplishment he was at the centre of (of which there were many), an interesting anecdote about an interaction with the prime minister, or an impressive yarn of a foreign trip.

Instead, in those quiet moments in his office or en route to a meeting, you’d hear stories about the love of his life, Deb, the joys of parenting, the lessons he learned from his father, and his formative years working in the family lumber business in interior B.C. He never forgot that he was first and foremost a servant to those institutions that formed him, and it was a role he greatly relished.

For anyone who spent any time with Chuck in a professional capacity, you would hear him say not infrequently, “We do the right thing.” Oftentimes, this was somewhat in jest, a quiet nod to the trade-offs that come with compromise, an essential part of politics. But it also served as a constant northern star. A big, burly, bear of a man, he would regularly tear up when in pursuit of doing what he believed was just or simply being a sympathetic ear.

Beyond being a moral giant, Chuck was just a heck of a guy to be around. To be in his presence was a complete joy—the twinkle in his eye before he landed a joke (which was frequent), his beautiful baritone voice that he utilized in off hours in a barbershop quartet, the knowledge that you were always being heard and seen. Yes, Chuck was surely in politics out of a sense of duty. But he clearly also had a passion and love for many of the aspects of the job, including engaging with colleagues from all parties, mentoring young staffers, and working closely with the civil service on some of the most pressing issues of the day.

Perhaps because of his deep sense of purpose and general love for life, Chuck was very slow to anger. Quite tellingly, one of the times I saw him the most cross was on the first day we met. He had just been appointed minister of Transportation and Infrastructure after having been minister of Indian and Northern Affairs. From a staffer’s perspective, the early days after a shuffle are incredibly unnerving. The office consists of those who move with a minister to the new post and those who are holdovers from the old administration—and no one is quite certain what their new role will be and how the teams will ultimately mesh.

Chuck was bringing these two camps together, sharing his general approach to work and his expectations of us. Much of it was simply inspiring until he turned to the subject of what he would not tolerate. He explained that, while he doesn’t want sycophants and demands a multitude of views to be expressed, under no circumstances would he allow for petty infighting and backstabbing. It was made abundantly clear that anyone who engaged in such disrespectful and deleterious practices would not have a home in his office. As he went on, he became more and more animated to the point of agitation. He was a man so committed to his values that a mere hypothetical infraction of them was enough to inflame him.

It’s hard to relay that anecdote without addressing the seminal role he played in the founding of the modern Conservative Party. In 2000, concerned with the direction of the Canadian Alliance, Chuck left the party and joined the splinter group, emerging as the parliamentary leader of the Democratic Representative Caucus. Were it not for this bold move, it is unclear whether Stephen Harper would have taken over the party and been in a position to merge with the Progressive Conservatives to form today’s Conservative Party of Canada.

But his role, while principled and done with his view of what was necessary long term, did require him to momentarily break with the political institution within which he operated. I worked for him a decade later. He never proactively discussed this period with me. When it happened to come up, though I never sensed regret on his part, there always seemed to me to be an expression of sadness for this temporary fissure and the pain it caused to do what he thought was right for the longevity and health of the overall movement.

There is so much to be learned and modeled from Chuck that cannot possibly be captured in a short piece. And so I will end with this: thirteen years ago, upon hearing of his impending retirement from politics, I sent him a personal note of gratitude. I closed by telling him somewhat jokingly how, when making a decision, I now ask “WWCSD”: what would Chuck Strahl do? But indeed, politicians of all stripes would do right by their constituents and the institutions in which they work if they kept Chuck front of mind when considering how they want to make the most of the immense privilege and responsibility of public service.

Adam Blinick

Adam Blinick is the Senior Director of US and Canada Policy & Communications for Uber. From 2010-2011, he was Chuck Strahl’s Director of Policy at the Department of Transportation, Infrastructure and Communities.

Gherardo Gennaro Caracciolo: What Vancouver’s empty home tax really means for Canada’s housing supply

Commentary

Condos and apartment buildings are seen in downtown Vancouver on February 2, 2017. Darryl Dyck/The Candian Press.

The Canadian housing market is in turmoil. Supply has lagged far behind demand as the population surges. This imbalance has led to soaring property prices, high rents, and increased homelessness.

The situation calls for urgent action, and while long-term solutions, like building more homes, are essential, policymakers are also deploying short-term measures—most notably, vacant property taxes. As these policies are becoming increasingly popular, the potential impact and drawbacks of such taxes call for careful examination.

My new C.D. Howe Institute publication with Enrico Miglino aims to shed further light on this matter by using Vancouver’s empty homes tax as a case study. Implemented in 2017, Vancouver’s vacant home tax was originally set at 1 percent and has now risen to 3 percent on homes that are unoccupied for more than 180 days in a year. We examined this tax’s impact on the key dimensions that animate the policy debate: housing availability, affordability, and new construction.

To do this, we compared neighbourhoods right next to one of the city boundaries. On one side of Boundary Road, within Vancouver, homes are subject to the tax, while just across the road in Burnaby, they are not. By looking at these two similar areas before and after the tax was introduced, we were able to retrieve what the true impact of the tax has been.

Our results indicate that while the tax significantly increased housing availability, it did not spur new constructions. In fact, the tax lowered the vacancy rate by 1.5 percentage points, which translates to 5,355 fewer vacant units in Vancouver from 2016 to 2021, without affecting the number of new dwellings being built.

The other side of the coin, however, is that despite its positive impact on housing availability, the empty-homes tax has not produced the desired effect on rental prices.

Contrary to what economic theory would suggest—that an increase in housing supply should lead to a reduction in rents—the average rent in Vancouver has remained stable. This outcome raises questions about the broader effectiveness of the tax in addressing the issue of housing affordability.

One possible explanation for this lack of impact on rental prices is that Vancouver, as a high-demand “superstar city,” may be caught in a bad equilibrium where landlords are confident that their rental rates are safe, regardless of any increased supply. Additionally, landlords could pre-emptively raise rents to cover potential future costs associated with the tax, thus passing these costs onto their current tenants.

These findings highlight both the successes and limitations of Vancouver’s empty-homes tax. If the tax has effectively reduced the number of vacant homes, improving availability, it also seems to have had no effect on affordability.

The empty-homes tax alone is clearly insufficient to address the full spectrum of challenges facing the housing market, meaning a broader strategy is needed.

Supply-side measures—such as setting mandatory municipal housing construction targets and reforming upfront development charges on new housing—could play a vital role. Furthermore, initiatives to improve access to affordable housing and support increased housing density could help better balance supply and demand. These are all fundamental steps in creating a more resilient housing market that ensures that housing remains accessible and affordable for all Canadians despite the growing demand.

Gherardo Gennaro Caracciolo

Gherardo Gennaro Caracciolo is a staff member of Simon Fraser University’s Beedie School of Business and a former senior policy analyst with the C.D. Howe Institute.

00:00:00
00:00:00